Saddam Hussein Abd al-Majid al-Tikriti (April 28,
1937-December 30, 2006), was the President of Iraq from July 16, 1979, until
April 9, 2003.
A leading member of the revolutionary Ba'ath Party, which espoused secular
pan-Arabism, economic modernization, and socialism, Saddam played a key role in
the 1968 coup that brought the party to long-term power. As vice president under
the frail General Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr, Saddam tightly controlled conflict
between the government and the armed forces-at a time when many other groups
were considered capable of overthrowing the government-by creating repressive
security forces. In the early 1970s, Saddam spearheaded Iraq's nationalization
of the Western-owned Iraq Petroleum Company, which had long held a monopoly on
the country's oil. In the 1970s, Saddam cemented his authority over the
apparatuses of government as Iraq's economy grew at a rapid pace throughout the
decade.
As president, Saddam maintained power through the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988) and
the first Persian Gulf War (1991). During these conflicts, Saddam repressed
movements he deemed threatening to the stability of Iraq, particularly Shi'a and
Kurdish movements demanding independence or autonomy. While he remained a
popular hero among many disaffected Arabs everywhere for standing up to the West
and for his support for the Palestinians, U.S. leaders continued to view Saddam
with deep suspicion following the 1991 Persian Gulf War. Saddam was deposed by
the U.S. and its allies during the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
Captured by U.S. forces on December 13, 2003, Saddam was brought to trial under
the Iraqi interim government set up by U.S.-led forces. On November 5 2006, he
was convicted of charges related to the executions of 148 Iraqi Shi'ites
suspected of planning an assassination attempt against him, and was sentenced to
death by hanging. Saddam was executed on December 30, 2006.
Youth
Saddam Hussein abd al-Majid al-Tikriti was born in the town of Al-Awja, 13 km
from the Iraqi town of Tikrit in the Sunni Triangle, to a family of shepherds
from the al-Begat tribal group. His mother, Subha Tulfah al-Mussallat, named her
newborn son Saddam, which in Arabic means "One who confronts." He never knew his
father, Hussein 'Abd al-Majid, who disappeared six months before Saddam was
born. Shortly afterward, Saddam's thirteen-year-old brother died of cancer. The
infant Saddam was sent to the family of his maternal uncle, Khairallah Talfah,
until he was three.
His mother remarried, and Saddam gained three half-brothers through this
marriage. His stepfather, Ibrahim al-Hassan, treated Saddam harshly after his
return. At around ten, Saddam fled the family and returned to live in Baghdad
with his uncle, Kharaillah Tulfah. Tulfah, the father of Saddam's future wife,
was a devout Sunni Muslim and a veteran from the Iraqi-British war of 1941.
Later in his life, relatives from his native Tikrit would become some of his
closest advisors and supporters. According to Saddam, he learned many things
from his uncle, a militant Iraqi nationalist. Under the guidance of his uncle,
he attended a nationalistic secondary school in Baghdad. After secondary school,
Saddam studied at Iraq's School of Law for three years, prior to dropping out in
1957, at the age of twenty, to join the revolutionary pan-Arab Ba'ath Party, of
which his uncle was a supporter. During this time, Saddam apparently supported
himself as a secondary school teacher.
Revolutionary sentiment was characteristic of the era in Iraq and throughout the
Middle East. The stranglehold of the old elites (the conservative monarchists,
established families, and merchants) was breaking down in Iraq. Moreover, the
pan-Arab nationalism of Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt would profoundly influence
the young Ba'athist, even up until his death. The rise of Nasser foreshadowed a
wave of revolutions throughout the Middle East in the 1950s and 1960s, which
would see the collapse of the monarchies of Iraq, Egypt, and Libya. Nasser
challenged the British and French, nationalized the Suez Canal, and strove to
modernize Egypt and unite the Arab world politically.
In 1958, a year after Saddam had joined the Ba'ath party, army officers led by
General Abdul Karim Qassim overthrew Faisal II of Iraq. The Ba'athists opposed
the new government, and in 1959, Saddam was involved in the attempted United
States-backed plot to assassinate Qassim.
Rise to Power
Army officers with ties to the Ba'ath Party overthrew Qassim in a coup in 1963.
Ba'athist leaders were appointed to the cabinet and Abdul Salam Arif became
president. Arif dismissed and arrested the Ba'athist leaders later that year.
Saddam returned to Iraq, but was imprisoned in 1964. Just prior to his
imprisonment and until 1968, Saddam held the position of Ba'ath party secretary.
He escaped prison in 1967 and quickly became a leading member of the party. In
1968, Saddam participated in a bloodless coup led by Ahmad Hassan al-Bakr that
overthrew Abdul Rahman Arif. al-Bakr was named president and Saddam was named
his deputy, and Deputy Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council. Saddam
soon became the government's most powerful man. According to biographers, Saddam
never forgot the tensions within the first Ba'athist government, which formed
the basis for his measures to promote Ba'ath party unity as well as his resolve
to maintain power and programs to ensure social stability.
Although Saddam was al-Bakr's deputy, he was a strong behind-the-scenes party
politician whose strengths were in organizing concealed opposition activity. Al-Bakr
was the older and more prestigious of the two but, by 1969 Saddam Hussein
clearly had become the moving force behind the party.
Succession
In 1976, Saddam rose to the position of general in the Iraqi armed forces, and
rapidly became the strongman of the government. As the weak, elderly al-Bakr
became unable to execute his duties, Saddam took on an increasingly prominent
role as the face of the government both internally and externally. He soon
became the architect of Iraq's foreign policy and represented the nation in all
diplomatic situations. He was the de facto ruler of Iraq some years before he
formally came to power in 1979. He slowly began to consolidate his power over
Iraq's government and the Ba'ath party. Relationships with fellow party members
were carefully cultivated, and Saddam soon accumulated a powerful circle of
support within the party.
In 1979 al-Bakr started to make treaties with Syria, also under Ba'athist
leadership, that would lead to unification between the two countries. Syrian
President Hafez al-Assad would become deputy leader in a union, and this would
drive Saddam to obscurity. Saddam acted to secure his grip on power. He forced
the ailing al-Bakr to resign on July 16, 1979, and formally assumed the
presidency.
Shortly afterwards, he convened an assembly of Ba'ath party leaders on July 22,
1979. During the assembly, which he ordered videotaped, Saddam claimed to have
found spies and conspirators within the Ba'ath Party and read out the names of
68 members that he alleged to be such fifth columnists. These members were
labeled "disloyal" and were removed from the room one by one and taken into
custody. After the list was read, Saddam congratulated those still seated in the
room for their past and future loyalty. The 68 people arrested at the meeting
were subsequently put on trial, and 22 were sentenced to execution for treason.
Foreign Affairs
In foreign affairs, Saddam sought to have Iraq play a leading role in the Middle
East. Iraq signed an aid pact with the Soviet Union in 1972, and arms were sent
along with several thousand advisers. However, the 1978 crackdown on Iraqi
Communists and a shift of trade toward the West strained Iraqi relations with
the Soviet Union, which took on a more Western orientation from then until the
Persian Gulf War in 1991.
After the oil crisis of 1973 France had changed to a more pro-Arab policy and
was accordingly rewarded by Saddam with closer ties. He made a state visit to
France in 1976, cementing close ties with some French business and ruling
political circles. Saddam led Arab opposition to the Camp David Accords between
Egypt and Israel (1979). In 1975 he negotiated an accord with Iran that
contained Iraqi concessions on border disputes. In return, Iran agreed to stop
supporting opposition Kurds in Iraq.
Saddam initiated Iraq's nuclear enrichment project in the 1980s, with French
assistance. The first Iraqi nuclear reactor was named by the French Osirak.
Osirak was destroyed on June 7, 1981 by an Israeli air strike (Operation Opera).
Nearly from its founding as a modern state in 1920, Iraq has had to deal with
Kurdish separatists in the northern part of the country. Saddam did negotiate an
agreement in 1970 with separatist Kurdish leaders, giving them autonomy, but the
agreement broke down. The result was brutal fighting between the government and
Kurdish groups and even Iraqi bombing of Kurdish villages in Iran, which caused
Iraqi relations with Iran to deteriorate. However, after Saddam had negotiated
the 1975 treaty with Iran, the Shah withdrew support for the Kurds, who suffered
a total defeat.
The Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988)
In 1979 Iran's Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was overthrown by the Islamic
Revolution, thus giving way to an Islamic republic led by the Ayatollah
Khomeini. The influence of revolutionary Shi'ite Islam grew apace in the region,
particularly in countries with large Shi'ite populations, especially Iraq.
Saddam feared that radical Islamic ideas-hostile to his secular rule-were
rapidly spreading inside his country among the majority Shi'ite population.
There had also been bitter enmity between Saddam and Khomeini since the 1970s.
Khomeini, having been exiled from Iran in 1964, took up residence in Iraq, at
the Shi'ite holy city of An Najaf. There he involved himself with Iraqi Shi'ites
and developed a strong, worldwide religious and political following. Under
pressure from the Shah, who had agreed to a rapprochement between Iraq and Iran
in 1975, Saddam agreed to expel Khomeini in 1978. After the Islamic Revolution,
Khomeini perhaps regarded toppling Saddam's government as a goal second only to
consolidating power in Iran.
After Khomeini gained power, skirmishes between Iraq and revolutionary Iran
occurred for ten months over the sovereignty of the disputed Shatt al-Arab
waterway, which divides the two countries. Iraq and Iran entered into open
warfare on September 22, 1980. The pretext for hostilities with Iran was this
territorial dispute, but the war was more likely an attempt by Saddam, supported
by both the United States and the Soviet Union, to have Iraq form a bulwark
against the expansion of radical Iranian-style revolution.
In the first days of the war, there was heavy ground fighting around strategic
ports as Iraq launched an attack on Iran's oil-rich, Arab-populated province of
Khuzestan. After making some initial gains, Iraq's troops began to suffer losses
from human-wave attacks by Iran. By 1982 Iraq was looking for ways to end the
war.
Iraq quickly found itself bogged down in one of the longest and most destructive
wars of attrition of the twentieth century, with atrocities committed on both
sides. During the war, Iraq used chemical weapons against Iranian forces and
Kurdish separatists. On March 16, 1988 Iraqi troops, on orders from Saddam to
stop a Kurdish uprising, attacked the Kurdish town of Halabjah with a mix of
poison gas and nerve agents killing 5000 people, mostly women and children.
Dissenting opinions dispute the numbers and have said the incident was actually
a battle in the Iran–Iraq war where chemical weapons were used on both sides and
a significant portion of the fatalities were caused by the Iranian weapons.
Saddam reached out to other Arab governments for cash and political support. The
Iranians, hoping to bring down Saddam's secular government and instigate a
Shi'ite rebellion in Iraq, refused a cease-fire until 1988.
The bloody eight-year war ended in a stalemate. There were hundreds of thousands
of casualties. Perhaps upwards of 1.7 million died on both sides. Both
economies, previously healthy and expanding, were left in ruins.
Iraq was also stuck with a war debt of roughly $75 billion. Borrowing money from
the U.S. was making Iraq dependent on outside loans, embarrassing a leader who
had sought to define Arab nationalism. Saddam also borrowed a tremendous amount
of money from other Arab states during the 1980s to fight Iran. Faced with
rebuilding Iraq's infrastructure, Saddam desperately sought out cash once again,
this time for postwar reconstruction.
Tensions with Kuwait
The end of the war with Iran served to deepen latent tensions between Iraq and
its wealthy neighbor Kuwait. Saddam saw his war with Iran as having spared
Kuwait from the imminent threat of Iranian domination. Since the struggle with
Iran had been fought for the benefit of the other Persian Gulf Arab states as
much as for Iraq, he argued, a share of Iraqi debt should be forgiven. Saddam
urged the Kuwaitis to forgive the Iraqi debt accumulated in the war, some $30
billion, but the Kuwaitis refused.
Also to raise money for postwar reconstruction, Saddam pushed oil-exporting
countries to raise oil prices by cutting back oil production. Kuwait refused to
cut production. In addition to refusing the request, Kuwait spearheaded the
opposition in OPEC to the cuts that Saddam had requested. Kuwait was pumping
large amounts of oil, and thus keeping prices low, when Iraq needed to sell
high-priced oil from its wells to pay off a huge debt.
Meanwhile, Saddam showed disdain for the Kuwait-Iraq boundary line (actually
imposed on Iraq by British imperial officials in 1922) because it cut Iraq off
from the sea. One of the few articles of faith uniting the political scene in a
nation rife with sharp social, ethnic, religious, and socioeconomic divides was
the belief that Kuwait had no right to even exist in the first place. For at
least half a century, Iraqi nationalists were espousing emphatically the belief
that Kuwait was historically an integral part of Iraq, and that Kuwait had only
come into being through the maneuverings of British imperialism.
The colossal extent of Kuwaiti oil reserves also intensified tensions in the
region. The oil reserves of Kuwait (with a population of a mere 2 million next
to Iraq's 25) were roughly equal to those of Iraq. Taken together Iraq and
Kuwait sat on top of some 20 percent of the world's known oil reserves; as an
article of comparison, Saudi Arabia holds 25 percent.
The Kuwaiti monarchy further angered Saddam by slant drilling oil out of wells
that Iraq considered to be within its disputed border with Kuwait. Given that at
the time Iraq was not regarded as a pariah state, Saddam was able to complain
about the slant drilling to the U.S. State Department. Although this had
continued for years, Saddam now needed oil money to stem a looming economic
crisis. Saddam still had an experienced and well-equipped army, which he used to
influence regional affairs. He later ordered troops to the Iraq–Kuwait border.
As Iraq–Kuwait relations rapidly deteriorated, Saddam was receiving conflicting
information about how the U.S. would respond to the prospects of an invasion.
For one, Washington had been taking measures to cultivate a constructive
relationship with Iraq for roughly a decade. The Reagan administration gave
Saddam roughly $40 billion in aid in the 1980s to fight Iran, nearly all of it
on credit. The U.S. also sent billions of dollars to Saddam to keep him from
forming a strong alliance with the Soviets.
U.S. ambassador to Iraq April Glaspie met with Saddam in an emergency meeting on
July 25, where the Iraqi leader stated his intention to continue talks. U.S.
officials attempted to maintain a conciliatory line with Iraq, indicating that
while George H. W. Bush and James Baker did not want force used, they would not
take any position on the Iraq–Kuwait boundary dispute and did not want to become
involved. Later, Iraq and Kuwait then met for a final negotiation session, which
failed. Saddam then sent his troops into Kuwait.
Although no reliable first-hand information on Saddam's appraisal of the
situation exists, we can surmise from the prewar standpoint of the Iraqi leader
and his interests and the conflicting prewar signals from Washington that the
invasion was likely born out of Iraq's postwar debt problem and faltering
attempts to gain the resources needed for postwar reconstruction, rebuild the
devastated Iraqi economy, and stabilize the domestic political situation.
The Gulf War
On August 2, 1990, Saddam invaded and annexed Kuwait, thus sparking an
international crisis. The annexation of Kuwait gave Iraq, with its own
substantial oil fields, control of 20 percent of the Persian Gulf reserves. The
U.S. provided assistance to Saddam Hussein in the war with Iran, but with Iraq's
seizure of the oil-rich emirate of Kuwait in August 1990 the United States led a
United Nations coalition that drove Iraq's troops from Kuwait in February 1991.
U.S. President George H. W. Bush responded cautiously for the first several
days. On one hand, Kuwait, prior to this point, had been a virulent enemy of
Israel and the Persian Gulf monarchy that had had the most friendly relations
with the Soviets. On the other hand, Washington foreign policymakers, along with
Middle East experts, military critics, and firms heavily invested in the region,
are extremely concerned with stability in this region. The invasion immediately
triggered fears that the world's price of oil, and therefore the control of the
world economy, was at stake. Britain profited heavily from billions of dollars
of Kuwaiti investments and bank deposits. President Bush was perhaps swayed
while meeting with the tough British prime minister Margaret Thatcher, who
happened to be in the U.S. at the time.
Co-operation between the United States and the Soviet Union made possible the
passage of resolutions in the United Nations Security Council giving Iraq a
deadline to leave Kuwait and approving the use of force if Saddam did not comply
with the timetable. U.S. officials feared Iraqi retaliation against oil-rich
Saudi Arabia, since the 1940s a close ally of Washington, for the Saudis'
opposition to the invasion of Kuwait. Accordingly, the U.S. and a group of
allies it had hastily rounded up, including countries as diverse as Egypt, Syria
and Czechoslovakia, deployed massive amounts of troops along the Saudi border
with Kuwait and Iraq in order to encircle the Iraqi army, the largest in the
Middle East.
During the period of negotiations and threats following the invasion, Saddam
focused renewed attention on the Palestinian problem by promising to withdraw
his forces from Kuwait if Israel would relinquish the occupied territories in
the West Bank, the Golan Heights, and the Gaza Strip. Saddam's proposal further
split the Arab world, pitting U.S.- and Western-supported Arab states against
the Palestinians. The allies ultimately rejected any linkage between the Kuwait
crisis and Palestinian issues.
Saddam ignored the Security Council deadline. Backed by the Security Council, a
U.S.-led coalition launched round-the-clock missile and aerial attacks on Iraq,
beginning January 16, 1991. Israel, though subjected to attack by Iraqi
missiles, refrained from retaliating in order not to provoke Arab states into
leaving the coalition. A ground force comprised largely of US and British
armored and infantry divisions ejected Saddam's army from Kuwait in February
1991 and occupied the southern portion of Iraq as far as the Euphrates.
On March 6, 1991, Bush announced: "What is at stake is more than one small
country, it is a big idea-a new world order, where diverse nations are drawn
together in common cause to achieve the universal aspirations of mankind: peace
and security, freedom, and the rule of law."
In the end, the over-manned and under-equipped Iraqi army proved unable to
compete on the battlefield with the highly mobile coalition land forces and
their overpowering air support. Some 175,000 Iraqis were taken prisoner and
casualties were estimated at over 85,000. As part of the cease-fire agreement,
Iraq agreed to scrap all poison gas and germ weapons and allow UN observers to
inspect the sites. UN trade sanctions would remain in effect until Iraq complied
with all terms.
Postwar Aftermath
Iraq's ethnic and religious divisions, together with the brutality of the
conflict that this had engendered, laid the groundwork for postwar rebellions.
In the aftermath of the fighting, social and ethnic unrest among Shi'ite
Muslims, Kurds, and dissident military units threatened the stability of
Saddam's government. Uprisings erupted in the Kurdish north and Shi'a southern
and central parts of the Iraq, but were ruthlessly repressed.
The United States, which had urged Iraqis to rise up against Saddam, did nothing
to assist the rebellions. U.S. ally Turkey opposed any prospect of Kurdish
independence, and the Saudis and other conservative Arab states feared an
Iran-style Shi'ite revolution. Saddam, having survived the immediate crisis in
the wake of defeat, was left firmly in control of Iraq, although the country
never recovered either economically or militarily from the Gulf War. Saddam
routinely cited his survival as "proof" that Iraq had in fact won the war
against America. This message earned Saddam a great deal of popularity in many
sectors of the Arab world.
Saddam increasingly portrayed himself as a devout Muslim, in an effort to co-opt
the conservative religious segments of society. Some elements of Sharia law were
re-introduced, and the ritual phrase "Allahu Akbar" ("God is great"), in
Saddam's handwriting, was added to the national flag.
1991–2003
Relations between the United States and Iraq remained tense following the Gulf
War. The U.S. launched a missile attack aimed at Iraq's intelligence
headquarters in Baghdad June 26, 1993, citing evidence of repeated Iraqi
violations of the "no fly zones" imposed after the Gulf War and for incursions
into Kuwait. Some speculated that it was in retaliation for Iraq's sponsorship
of a plot to kill former President George H. W. Bush.
The UN sanctions placed upon Iraq when it invaded Kuwait were not lifted,
blocking Iraqi oil exports. This caused immense hardship in Iraq and virtually
destroyed the Iraqi economy and state infrastructure. Only smuggling across the
Syrian border, and humanitarian aid ameliorated the humanitarian crisis. On
December 9, 1996 the United Nations allowed Saddam's government to begin selling
limited amounts of oil for food and medicine. Limited amounts of income from the
United Nations started flowing into Iraq through the UN Oil for Food program.
U.S. officials continued to accuse Saddam of violating the terms of the Gulf
War's cease fire, by developing weapons of mass destruction and other banned
weaponry, and violating the UN-imposed sanctions and "no-fly zones." Isolated
military strikes by U.S. and British forces continued on Iraq sporadically, the
largest being Operation Desert Fox in 1998. Western charges of Iraqi resistance
to UN access to suspected weapons were the pretext for crises between 1997 and
1998, culminating in intensive U.S. and British missile strikes on Iraq,
December 16-19, 1998. After two years of intermittent activity, U.S. and British
warplanes struck harder at sites near Baghdad in February, 2001.
Saddam's support base of Tikriti tribesmen, family members, and other supporters
was divided after the war, and in the following years, contributing to the
government's increasingly repressive and arbitrary nature. Domestic repression
inside Iraq grew worse, and Saddam's sons, Uday Hussein and Qusay Hussein,
became increasingly powerful and carried out a private reign of terror. They
likely had a leading hand when, in August 1995, two of Saddam Hussein's
sons-in-law (Hussein Kamel and Saddam Kamel), who held high positions in the
Iraqi military, defected to Jordan. Both were killed after returning to Iraq the
following February.
Iraqi co-operation with UN weapons inspection teams was intermittent throughout
the 1990s. It now appears more likely that Iraq was playing a game of bluff,
hoping to convince the Western powers and the other Arab states that Iraq was
still a power to be reckoned with, than that Iraq was hiding significant
stockpiles of prohibited materials.
2003 Invasion of Iraq
Saddam continued to loom large in American consciousness as a major threat to
Western allies such as oil-rich Saudi Arabia and Israel, to Western oil supplies
from the Gulf states, and to Middle East stability generally. Bush's successor,
U.S. President Bill Clinton (1993-2001), maintained sanctions and made
occasional air strikes in the "Iraqi no-fly zones" or other restrictions, in the
hope that Saddam would be overthrown by his many political enemies.
The domestic political equation changed in the U.S. after the September 11, 2001
attacks, which bolstered the influence of the neoconservative faction in the
presidential administration and throughout Washington. In his January 2002
state-of-the-union message to Congress, George W. Bush (the son of George H.W.
Bush) spoke of an "axis of evil" comprising Iran, North Korea, and Iraq.
Moreover, Bush announced that he would possibly take action to topple the Iraqi
government, because of the 'threat' of its "weapons of mass destruction." Bush
claimed, "The Iraqi regime has plotted to develop anthrax, and nerve gas, and
nuclear weapons for over a decade." "Iraq continues to flaunt its hostility
toward America and to support terror," said Bush.
As the war was looming on February 24, 2003, Saddam Hussein talked with CBS News
reporter Dan Rather for more than three hours-his first interview with a U.S.
reporter in over a decade. CBS aired the taped interview later that week.
The Iraqi government and military collapsed within three weeks of the beginning
of the U.S.-led 2003 invasion of Iraq on March 20. The United States made at
least two attempts to kill Saddam with targeted air strikes, but both narrowly
failed to hit their target. By the beginning of April, U.S.-led forces occupied
much of Iraq. The resistance of the much-weakened Iraqi Army either crumbled or
shifted to guerrilla tactics, and it appeared that Saddam had lost control of
Iraq. He was last seen in a video which purported to show him in the Baghdad
suburbs surrounded by supporters. When Baghdad fell to U.S.-led forces on April
9, Saddam was nowhere to be found.
Escape and Capture
Escape
As the US forces were occupying the Republican Palace and other central
landmarks and ministries on April 9, Saddam Hussein emerged from his command
bunker beneath the Al A'Zamiyah district of northern Baghdad and greeted excited
members of the local public. In the BBC Panorama program Saddam on the Run
witnesses were found for these and other later events (see Note 15). The
walkabout was captured on film and broadcast several days after the event on Al-Arabiya
Television and was also witnessed by ordinary people who corroborated the date
afterwards. He was accompanied by bodyguards and other loyal supporters
including at least one of his sons and his personal secretary.
After the walkabout, Saddam returned to his bunker and made preparations for his
family. According to his eldest daughter Raghad Hussein he was, by this point,
aware of the "betrayal" of a number of key figures involved in the defense of
Baghdad. There was a lot of confusion between Iraqi commanders in different
sectors of the capital and communication between them and Saddam and between
Saddam and his family were becoming increasingly difficult. This version of
events is supported by Muhammad Saeed al-Sahhaf, the former Information Minister
who struggled to know what was happening after the US captured Saddam
International Airport.
The Americans had meanwhile started receiving rumors that Saddam was in Al
A'Zamiyah and at dawn on April 10 they dispatched three companies of US Marines
to capture or kill him. As the Americans closed in, and realizing that Baghdad
was lost, Saddam arranged for cars to collect his eldest daughters, Raghad and
Rana, and drive them to Syria. His wife Sajida Talfah and youngest daughter Hala
had already left Iraq several weeks prior. Raghad Hussein stated in an interview
for Panorama:
"After about midday my Dad sent cars from his private collection for us.
We were told to get in. We had almost lost contact with my father and brothers
because things had got out of hand. I saw with my own eyes the [Iraqi] army
withdrawing and the terrified faces of the Iraqi soldiers who, unfortunately,
were running away and looking around them. Missiles were falling on my left
and my right - they were not more than fifty or one hundred meters away. We
moved in small cars. I had a gun between my feet just in case." - Attributed
to Raghad Hussein
Then according to the testimony of a former bodyguard Saddam Hussein
dismissed almost his entire staff:
"The last time I saw him he said: My sons, each of you go to your homes.
We said: Sir, we want to stay with you. Why should we go? But he insisted.
Even his son, Qusay, was crying a little. He [Saddam] was trying not to show
his feelings. He was stressed but he didn't want to destroy the morale of the
people who were watching him, but inside, he was definitely broken." -
Attributed to an anonymous former bodyguard
After this he changed out of his uniform and with only two bodyguards to
guard him, left Baghdad in a plain white Oldsmobile and made his way to a
specially prepared bunker in Dialah on the northern outskirts of the city.
Ayad Allawi in interview stated that Saddam stayed in the Dialah bunker for
three weeks as Baghdad and the rest of Iraq were occupied by US forces.
Initially he and his entourage used satellite telephones to communicate with
each other. As this became more risky they resorted to sending couriers with
written messages. One of these couriers was reported to have been his own
nephew. However, their cover was given away when one of the couriers was
captured and Saddam was forced to evacuate the Dialah bunker and resorted to
changing location every few hours. There were numerous sightings of him in Beiji,
Baquba and Tikrit to the north of Baghdad over the next few months as he
shuttled between safe houses disguised as a shepherd in a plain taxi. How close
he came to being captured during this period may never be made public. Sometime
in the middle of May he moved to the countryside around his home town of Tikrit.
A series of audio tapes claiming to be from Saddam were released at various
times, although the authenticity of these tapes remains uncertain.
Saddam Hussein was at the top of the U.S. list of most-wanted Iraqis, and many
of the other leaders of the Iraqi government were arrested, but extensive
efforts to find him had little effect. In June in a joint raid by special
operations forces and the 1st Battalion, 22nd Infantry Regiment of 1st Brigade,
4th Infantry Division, the former president's personal secretary Abid Hamid
Mahmud (Ace of Diamonds in the playing card deck of regime figures and number 4
on the most-wanted list after Saddam and his sons Uday and Qusay), was captured.
Documents discovered with him enabled intelligence officers to work out who was
who in Saddam's circle. Manhunts were launched nightly throughout the Sunni
triangle. Safe houses and family homes were raided as soon as any tip came in
that someone in Saddam's circle might be in the area.
In July 2003 in an engagement with U.S. forces after a tip-off from an Iraqi
informant Saddam's sons and his 14 year old grandson Mustapha were cornered in a
house in Mosul and shot to death in a firefight.
According to one of Saddam's bodyguards, the former president actually went to
the grave himself on the evening of the funeral:
"After the funeral people saw Saddam Hussein visiting the graves with a
group of his protectors. No one recognized them and even the car they came in
wasn't spotted. At the grave Saddam read a verse from the Koran and cried.
There were flags on the grave. After he finished reading, he took the flags
and left. He cried for his sons."
This story, however, likely resulted to explain the missing flags. The
commander of the 1st Battalion, 22nd Infantry Regiment in Tikrit and Auja, where
the sons were buried, had the cemetery heavily guarded. The flags were removed
by US forces to prevent his sons being honored as martyrs. These flags now
reside at the National Infantry Museum at Fort Benning, Georgia.
The raids and arrests of people known to be close to the former President drove
him deeper underground. Once more the trail was growing colder. In August the US
military released photo-fits of how Saddam might be disguising himself in
traditional garb, even without his signature mustache. By the early autumn the
Pentagon had also formed a secret unit – Task Force 121. Using electronic
surveillance and undercover agents, the CIA and Special Forces scoured Iraq for
clues.
By the beginning of November Saddam was under siege. His home town and powerbase
were surrounded and his faithful bodyguards targeted and then arrested one by
one by the Americans. Protests erupted in several towns in the Sunni triangle.
Meanwhile some Sunni Muslims showed their support for Saddam.
On December 12 Mohamed Ibrahim Omar al-Musslit was unexpectedly captured in
Baghdad. Mohamed had been a key figure in the President's special security
organization. His cousin Adnan had been captured in July by the 1st Battalion,
22nd Infantry Regiment in Tikrit. It appears Mohamed had taken control of Saddam
on the run, the only person who knew where he was from hour to hour and who was
with him. According to US sources it took just a few hours of interrogation for
him to crack and betray Saddam.
Within hours Colonel James Hickey (1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division) together
with US Special Operations Forces launched Operation Red Dawn and under cover of
darkness made for the village of Ad-Dawr on the outskirts of Tikrit. The
informer had told US forces the former president would be in one of two groups
of buildings on a farm codenamed Wolverine 1 and Wolverine 2.
Capture
On December 13, 2003, citing Kurdish leader Jalal Talabani, the Islamic Republic
News Agency (IRNA) of Iran was first to report the apprehension and arrest of
Saddam Hussein. These reports were soon confirmed by other members of the Iraq
Interim Governing Council, U.S. military sources, and by British prime minister
Tony Blair. In a Baghdad press conference with the U.S. civil administrator in
Iraq, Paul Bremer, Saddam's capture was formally announced, leading with,
"Ladies and gentlemen, we got him!" Bremer went on to report the time as
approximately 8:30 p.m. local (23:30 UTC), on December 13, in an underground
"spider hole" at a farmhouse in ad-Dawr near his home town Tikrit, in what was
called Operation Red Dawn.
During his arrest, Saddam reportedly declared, "I am the President of Iraq," to
which an American soldier is said to have replied, "President Bush sends his
regards."
The video footage presented by Bremer showed Hussein in full beard with longer
than usual, disheveled hair. He was described as being in good health,
"talkative and co-operative." DNA testing was used to further confirm the
captive's identity. Members of the Governing Council visiting with Hussein
following his capture reported him as unrepentant and believing of himself as
having been a "firm, but just ruler." It later emerged that the information
leading to his capture was obtained from a detainee under interrogation.
Incarceration
According to US military sources, immediately following Saddam's December 13th
capture, he was hooded, his hands bound and he was taken by a military HMMWV
vehicle to an awaiting helicopter and flown to the US base adjacent to one of
his former palaces in Tikrit. He was then loaded onto again to a helicopter and
flown to the main US base at Baghdad International Airport where he was
transferred to the Camp Cropper facility. He was then officially photographed
and received medical attention and was groomed. The following day he was visited
in his cell by members of the Iraqi Governing Council with Ahmed Chalabi and
Adnan Pachachi among them. It is believed he remained there in high security
during most of the time of his detention. Details of his interrogations are
unknown.
After Saddam's death, reports emerged from the nurse charged with his care at
Camp Cropper from 2004 until 2005. US Army Master Sergeant Robert Ellis, told
his home town newspaper the St Louis Post-Dispatch that Saddam was held in a 1.8
m x 2.4 m (6 ft x 8 ft) cell furnished with a cot, table, two plastic chairs and
two wash basins. When he was allowed to go outside, Hussein saved bread crumbs
from his meals to feed the birds, he watered the weeds in a jail garden and had
coffee with his cigars for his blood pressure. Ellis also said of Hussein, "When
he was with me, he was in a different environment. I posed no threat. In fact, I
was there to help him, and he respected that."
Trial
Held in custody by U.S. forces at Camp Cropper in Baghdad, on June 30, 2004,
Saddam Hussein and eleven senior Ba'athist officials were handed over legally
(though not physically) to the interim Iraqi government to stand trial for war
crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. A few weeks later, he was charged
by the Special Tribunal with crimes committed against the inhabitants of Dujail
in 1982, following a failed assassination attempt against him. Specific charges
included the murder of 148 people, torture of women and children and the illegal
arrest of 399 others. Among the many challenges of the trial were:
- Saddam and his lawyers’ contesting the court's authority and maintaining
that he was yet the President of Iraq.
- The assassinations and attempts on the lives of several of Saddam's
lawyers.
- Midway through the trial, the chief presiding judge was replaced.
On November 5, 2006, Saddam Hussein was found guilty of crimes against
humanity and sentenced to death by hanging. Saddam's half brother, Barzan
Ibrahim, and Awad Hamed al-Bandar, head of Iraq's Revolutionary Court in 1982,
were convicted of similar charges as well. Verdict and sentencing were both
appealed but subsequently affirmed by Iraq's Supreme Court of Appeals. A month
and twenty-five days later, the sentence was delivered with Saddam being
executed by hanging on December 30, 2006.
Execution
Saddam was hanged on the first day of Eid ul-Adha, December 30, 2006 at
approximately 6:00 a.m. local time (03:00 UTC). The execution was carried out at
Camp Justice, an Iraqi army base in Kadhimiya, a neighborhood of northeast
Baghdad. Camp Justice was previously used by Saddam as his military intelligence
headquarters, then known as Camp Banzai, where Iraqi civilians were taken to be
tortured and executed on the same gallows where Saddam was hanged. Prime
Minister Nouri al-Maliki launched an investigation after a video recorded on a
mobile phone, showing Saddam being taunted before his death, was leaked to
selected electronic media. A second unofficial video, apparently showing
Saddam's body on a trolley, emerged several days later.
Saddam was buried at his birthplace of Al-Awja in Tikrit, Iraq, 3 km from his
sons Uday and Qusay Hussein, on December 31, 2006, at 4:00 a.m. local time
(01:00 UTC).
Not long before the execution, Saddam's lawyers released his last letter:
To the great nation, to the people of our
country, and humanity,
Many of you have known the writer of this letter to be faithful, honest,
caring for others, wise, of sound judgment, just, decisive, careful with the
wealth of the people and the state ... and that his heart is big enough to
embrace all without discrimination.
You have known your brother and leader very well and he never bowed to the
despots and, in accordance with the wishes of those who loved him, remained
a sword and a banner.
This is how you want your brother, son or leader to be ... and those who
will lead you (in the future) should have the same qualifications.
Here, I offer my soul to God as a sacrifice, and if He wants, He will send
it to heaven with the martyrs, or, He will postpone that ... so let us be
patient and depend on Him against the unjust nations.
Remember that God has enabled you to become an example of love, forgiveness
and brotherly coexistence ... I call on you not to hate because hate does
not leave a space for a person to be fair and it makes you blind and closes
all doors of thinking and keeps away one from balanced thinking and making
the right choice.
I also call on you not to hate the peoples of the other countries that
attacked us and differentiate between the decision-makers and peoples.
Anyone who repents - whether in Iraq or abroad - you must forgive him.
You should know that among the aggressors, there are people who support your
struggle against the invaders, and some of them volunteered for the legal
defense of prisoners, including Saddam Hussein ... some of these people wept
profusely when they said goodbye to me.
Dear faithful people, I say goodbye to you, but I will be with the merciful
God who helps those who take refuge in him and who will never disappoint any
faithful, honest believer ... God is Great ... God is great ... Long live
our nation ... Long live our great struggling people ... Long live Iraq,
long live Iraq ... Long live Palestine ... Long live jihad and the
mujahedeen (the insurgency).
Saddam Hussein President and Commander in Chief of the Iraqi Mujahed Armed
Forces
Additional clarification note:
I have written this letter because the lawyers told me that the so-called
criminal court - established and named by the invaders - will allow the
so-called defendants the chance for a last word. But that court and its
chief judge did not give us the chance to say a word, and issued its verdict
without explanation and read out the sentence - dictated by the invaders -
without presenting the evidence. I wanted the people to know this. -
Letter by Saddam Hussein |
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